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New Rules
Mean Shift Toward Accountability for Judiciary
By Tony Mauro
New York Lawyer
Legal Times
September 20, 2006
Responding to complaints about judicial junkets and conflicts of
interest, the Judicial Conference on Tuesday enacted new rules to
force judges to use conflict-checking software and to promptly
disclose their participation in privately sponsored seminars for
which they are reimbursed.
Separately, a committee
headed by Supreme Court Justice Stephen Breyer issued a report
recommending modest changes in how federal courts handle ethical
complaints that members of the public file against judges. Among the
recommendations is what Breyer described as a "Dutch uncle
approach," whereby judges would seek advice on handling certain
complaints from judges of another circuit to avoid "home court"
bias.
Together, Tuesday's actions
represent a major shift toward accountability -- or at least
transparency -- from segments of a branch of government that has
often resisted both.
Judges also hoped to defuse
pressure from Congress, primarily in the person of House Judiciary
Committee Chairman James Sensenbrenner, R-Wis., who has proposed
creating an inspector general's office to oversee the judiciary's
handling of ethical complaints. The late Chief Justice William
Rehnquist appointed the Breyer Committee in 2004, mainly in response
to congressional complaints.
"Issuance of the two
policies and the Breyer Committee report are responsive to these
concerns," says University of Richmond law professor Carl Tobias.
"If the judiciary does not police itself, Congress may well attempt
to do so in ways that judges may find troubling."
Tuesday's focus on judicial
ethics comes on the eve of the Sept. 21 hearings by the House
Judiciary Committee that could lead to the impeachment of California
federal trial Judge Manuel Real, which would be the first judicial
impeachment since 1989.
Chief Justice John Roberts
Jr., in a rare impromptu press conference at the Court, applauded
both of Tuesday's moves and urged federal judges to take "prompt
action."
Significantly, none of what
happened Tuesday affects the Supreme Court itself. The Judicial
Conference never sets policy for the high court, and Breyer,
speaking at the same press conference, said the scope of his
committee's study of disciplinary procedures did not include the
Supreme Court. As a result, it appears the justices have still not
taken action on a 1993 recommendation by a blue-ribbon government
commission that the Court consider establishing procedures for
handling complaints against its own members.
Breyer said his committee
concluded that, overall, the handling of ethical complaints by lower
federal courts "does not suggest a serious problem," but a better
job needs to be done in some instances, especially in the handling
of complex complaints that receive media attention.
The Judicial Conference
actions could have the most immediate impact on privately sponsored
seminars other than those hosted by bar associations and judicial
education groups.
Under the new rules, judges
will be barred from accepting reimbursement for seminars hosted by
organizations that do not publicly disclose their funding sources,
speakers' names, and other information. Once they attend, judges
will have to publicly disclose their attendance on their court's Web
site within 30 days.
"The new junket rules are a
pretty dramatic change of course for the judiciary, and they send a
clear statement to judges that they should think twice before
attending junkets," Doug Kendall of the Community Rights Counsel
said Tuesday. Kendall's group has repeatedly criticized judges for
attending seminars funded by companies with an interest in
influencing how judges handle economic and environmental cases.
One of the targets of
Kendall's criticism has been the Montana-based Foundation for
Research on Economics & the Environment (FREE), which has hosted
hundreds of federal judges in the past 15 years. It asserts that
none of the funding for its judicial seminars comes from any
corporate entity or any foundation that participates in federal
litigation.
"I've seen the
requirements, and everything they ask for, we've been doing
voluntarily," says FREE Executive Vice President Pete Geddes. "FREE
is happy to do anything it can to reassure the public about the
integrity and independence of the judiciary."
The conference's action on
conflict-checking software reflects the concern that many judges
don't think it works well and have not put it to use. Now they will
have to, said D.C. District Court Chief Judge Thomas Hogan, head of
the conference's executive committee.
Hogan told reporters his
software reminds him of a potential conflict of interest every time
a party named Johnson appears before him. That, he said with a
laugh, is because he and his wife own stock in the medical company
Johnson & Johnson.
Did a
Federal Judge Cross a Legal Line for His Clerk?
Julie Kay
Daily Business Review
August 28, 2006
Southern District of
Florida Judge Shelby Highsmith and a U.S. Marshals Service deputy
are drawing criticism for intervening in a personal dispute
involving the judge's clerk and her daughter at a downtown Miami
store.
The incident is raising
eyebrows in the legal community as well as questions about whether
Highsmith may have violated judicial canons by misusing his judicial
powers.
Both Highsmith and an
unidentified deputy showed up at the store during the incident,
flashed their government identifications, and began questioning
store employees and asking for their addresses.
The incident occurred in
December, but it only recently came to light when the city's
Civilian Investigative Panel took up the issue Aug. 15, after
Highsmith filed a complaint against a Miami police officer who
responded to the scene.
The officer, Michael Ragusa,
was cleared of charges of discourtesy.
According to a CIP report
as well as Highsmith's clerk, Laura Sabbatino, the incident began
when Sabbatino's daughter, Adriana Thorne, was shopping at Gifts &
Luggage at 27 E. Flagler St. Thorne purchased a $7 item and paid by
credit card.
Sabbatino,
in an interview with the Daily Business Review, said that the
clerk told her daughter the card could only be used for debit and
then handed back the card wrapped in a receipt. About five minutes
later, Thorne got a call from her bank, Wachovia Bank, asking
whether she had just made a $300 purchase at Macy's. The card had
been used in both the jewelry department and the baby department.
Thorne took out her credit
card and discovered it was not hers but someone else's. She called
her mother, who was standing in front of Highsmith in his chambers.
According to Sabbatino's statement, the judge "instructed Mrs.
Sabbatino to call the Deputy's Service and that they were on the way
down to her daughter."
Both the judge and a
deputy, whose name is not identified in the report, appeared at the
store and asked to speak to the cashier. The judge then showed the
owner his identification.
The owner replied that the
clerk, who is pregnant, was not feeling well and had gone home. When
the judge began asking more questions, the store owner responded,
"This is not court! If you have a complaint, call the police!"
The deputy, who appeared on
the scene a couple of minutes later, asked the store owner for the
clerk's address, since she had left before the deputy's arrival. The
owner, Joseph Yoo, reluctantly gave the deputy the address,
according to Yoo's statement, and the deputy left the store. The
report does not state whether the deputy took further action.
At this point Sabbatino
called the police, and Highsmith departed.
Ragusa
responded to the scene and the clerk showed up. The clerk said she
was not feeling well and Ragusa asked whether she needed fire
rescue. "OK, stop! Everyone step away," Ragusa said. 'We have a
pregnant woman here. This investigation can't continue." He then
said, according to Sabbatino, "For all I know you're the one who
took the card. You can't point fingers; you need to take this up
with the bank."
"The officer was a jerk,"
Sabbatino said. "He was very rude. Instantly, my daughter felt that
we were no longer the victims."
Ragusa
could not be reached for comment.
But in his statement for
the CIP, he gave a slightly different version of events. He reported
that Sabbatino yelled at him and put both hands about two to three
feet from his face. When he told Thorne and her mother to stand at
the opposite end of the store, the mother refused, saying, "I work
for a judge." Ragusa threatened to jail Sabbatino if she would not
move.
Highsmith,
who is on leave until Oct. 30, did not return telephone calls
seeking comment.
Albert Hidalgo, a deputy
with the U.S. Marshals Service in Miami, said he was not familiar
with the details of the incident and did not know the name of the
deputy involved.
But he said the 80 deputies
who work in the Southern District of Florida are supposed to provide
protection to the federal judiciary and are not supposed to get
involved in personal disputes outside the courthouse that don't
involve a judge's safety.
Other duties, according to
a Marshals Service Web site, are to apprehend fugitives, transport
and manage prisoners, serve court documents and administer the
Justice Department's asset forfeiture program.
Some legal observers called
Highsmith's actions a serious breach of judicial conduct and likened
the incident to the recent resignation of the attorney general of
New Jersey, who was found to have violated her department's code of
ethics by coming to the aid of a companion during a traffic stop.
"The judge should apologize
and be reprimanded," said Robert Jarvis, who teaches ethics law at
Nova Southeastern University. "This is outrageous conduct. He used
the prestige of his office for a personal favor and using public
resources to intervene in a private dispute. This showed extremely
poor judgment on the judge's part."
Jarvis suggested that the
judge write a check to the judiciary to reimburse it for the time
the deputy spent on the personal errand.
Highsmith's
action violates several judicial canons, Jarvis said. Not only does
it compromise the integrity of the judiciary, said Jarvis, but it
reflects a conflict of interest on the judges' part.
"It raises in the minds of
the public that there are two systems of justice -- one for those
who are connected and one for us poor schmucks," he said.
Jarvis also reserved some
criticism for the deputy, who used his powers to wrongly "intimidate
and harass" the store clerk, he said.
Several lawyers who did not
want to be identified also said the judge erred by summoning a
deputy to assist him with a personal dispute. "U.S. deputies have a
serious duty and they're not the errand boys of the judges," said
one Miami lawyer.
For her part, Sabbatino
said she was disappointed that Ragusa was cleared of the charge of
discourtesy. She said the judge did nothing wrong in calling a
deputy to the store.
"He can have a deputy
accompany him anywhere he wants to go," she said. "That's part of
his job."
Ethics
Lapses by Federal Judges Persist, Review Finds
Violations Involve Stock Holdings And Free Trips
By Joe Stephens
Washington Post Staff Writer
April 18, 2006
A number of federal judges
have violated ethics rules in recent years by presiding over
lawsuits while having a financial conflict. Others have failed to
disclose that they traveled to resorts on expense-paid trips.
Interviews and documents
reviewed by The Washington Post identified about a dozen such
ethical lapses in recent years.
One category of problems
involves stock holdings. In 2003, records show, federal appeals
court judges issued rulings in at least seven lawsuits while they or
their spouses owned stock in a company involved in the case or had
other financial ties to a party in the disputes. The problem stock
holdings ranged in value from a few thousand dollars to as much as
$50,000. Federal law requires that judges remove themselves from any
case in which they know they have any financial interest.
A second set of ethical
lapses involves seminars held at resorts by a Montana-based group,
the Foundation for Research on Economics and the Environment (FREE).
On at least six occasions
from 2002 to 2004, federal judges accepted air travel, food and
lodging from the libertarian foundation but did not list the gifts
on their annual disclosure reports, as required by law, documents
and interviews show. The seminars dealt with economics and the
environment, but also offered the judges time for fishing, hiking
and horseback riding.
The review found that some
judges were repeat offenders: Previous investigations by The Post
identified nearly identical ethical lapses involving two of the
judges.
It is impossible to
determine just how frequently judges violate ethics laws because
public records are limited. A 1998 law allows judges to black out
some or all information on disclosure reports before releasing them
to the public. Also, many organizations keep confidential the names
of judges who accept expense-paid trips, frustrating attempts to
verify disclosure reports.
Ethics experts expressed
surprise that such transgressions persist because court authorities
reacted to earlier revelations of ethical violations with promises
of reform.
"It seems to be a very
blatant violation of the code of judicial ethics," said Jeffrey M.
Shaman, a judicial ethicist at DePaul University.
Stephen Gillers, a
specialist in legal ethics at New York University, said the study
"goes to the heart of what a judge is understood to be."
"Congress says you cannot
sit [on a case] if you or your spouse owns even one share" of stock,
Gillers said. "It's the law, and judges have to obey it."
The findings show that new
laws are needed to prevent abuse, said Douglas T. Kendall, executive
director of Community Rights Counsel, a nonprofit Washington law
firm that supplied The Post with documents outlining the problems.
"These problems are getting
worse, not better, and it's because the judiciary hasn't taken some
simple steps to make them go away," Kendall said.
Thomas F. Hogan, chief
judge for the District of Columbia and chairman of the executive
committee of the U.S. Judicial Conference, which oversees ethics
issues, said in a statement that the lapses, while regrettable, are
the exception, not the rule.
"The judiciary will
continue its already widespread efforts to educate judges on their
financial disclosure requirements and will develop additional tools
to assist judges in identifying potential conflicts," Hogan said.
Earlier this year, Sen.
Patrick J. Leahy (Vt.), ranking Democrat on the Judiciary Committee,
introduced legislation to ban privately financed trips for federal
judges and make it easier for the public to identify stock
conflicts. A Leahy spokeswoman said the senator raised the issue
last month with the Judicial Conference.
In a statement, Leahy said,
"Our judges must be beyond reproach -- in appearance and otherwise."
Stock Conflicts
The stock conflicts found
involved federal appeals judges; the study did not look at conflicts
involving the much larger pool of trial-level judges.
Some of the judges said
they missed conflicts involving subsidiaries of companies in their
portfolios. Others said they were confused by cases with multiple
players or unaware of a spouse's assets. Federal law directs judges
to know their financial interests so they can quickly resolve
conflicts.
Judge Bruce Selya of the
1st Circuit in Rhode Island held up to $15,000 in stock in the
Federal National Mortgage Association in 2003 while participating in
a lawsuit against the company. Selya sold the stock nine days after
entering judgment in the case.
Selya said he was unaware
of the conflict until told by The Post, explaining that "anything
that involves human beings is susceptible to error."
In 1999, a similar Post
study discovered that Selya had participated in three lawsuits while
owning stock in one of the companies involved. Selya blamed those
problems on his investment manager, who the judge said bought stocks
for his portfolio and only later supplied him with the company
names.
Other judges whose
disclosure statements showed that they had a financial interest in
litigants in their courtrooms included Eric L. Clay of the 6th
Circuit in Detroit, Martha Daughtrey of the 6th Circuit in
Nashville, James Dennis of the 5th Circuit in New Orleans, John
Coffey of the 7th Circuit in Milwaukee (two cases) and Harry
Pregerson of the 9th Circuit in Woodland Hills, Calif.
Coffey said the securities
in question were held in a trust overseen by his wife that primarily
benefited their adult children and from which she had drawn money.
The judge said he did not believe that he was required to withdraw
from such cases but would do so in the future.
In numerous other cases,
judges' disclosure reports appear to identify conflicts of interest
involving stocks, but the judges contended in interviews that no
true conflicts existed because they had inadvertently misrepresented
their holdings on the statements.
Unreported Trips
In most cases, it is
impossible to independently determine whether judges are complying
with the disclosure laws. That's because most organizations that
give judges expense-paid trips keep the names of the judges secret.
An exception is FREE, the
libertarian foundation. In recent years it has listed on its Web
site the names of participants in its seminars, which are held at a
dude ranch and a historic railroad hotel in Montana.
Hundreds of judges have
attended, and officials at the private, nonprofit foundation said
they pick up all costs, including airfare, for 90 percent of them.
FREE estimated that food,
lodging and horseback riding for one recent five-day seminar totaled
$1,350 per person. Judges often bring their spouses but must pay for
any additional costs incurred.
When questioned, five
judges who attended seminars between 2002 and 2004 acknowledged
accepting free trips but not listing them on disclosure reports.
Some judges said they forgot to make the entries, while others said
they were unaware of the rules.
Ethics experts questioned
those explanations, pointing out that the annual financial
disclosure forms, which the judges must sign under penalty of law,
direct them to itemize each gift and reimbursement for
"transportation, lodging, food."
One judge who left the
section blank was Peter Beer of the Eastern District of Louisiana.
Beer checked a box labeled "none" on his reports for 2002 and 2004.
In an interview, Beer said
that FREE had paid expenses at two seminars on a tourist ranch near
Yellowstone National Park. "As far as I was concerned, that was not
an item that I was required to report," Beer said. "I never
considered I was obliged to do that."
The sponsors of the
seminars disagreed.
"There's no controversy
over this -- it should be disclosed," said Pete Geddes, FREE's
executive vice president. He called the judges' failures to make the
trips public "surprising and a little frustrating."
Beer said the ranch
provided "pleasant surroundings" and, after the day's discussions,
allowed time for hiking and other outdoor activities. Beer said he
thought, but could not be sure, that his wife accompanied him on one
of the trips.
Beer should have been on
notice about his legal duty to disclose the gifts, Kendall said. A
study by The Post in 2000 found that Beer had failed to disclose an
earlier FREE trip.
Some ethics experts said
the lapses were especially striking because the FREE seminars have
become controversial in recent years after questions about their
content were raised by Community Rights Counsel. The law firm argues
that FREE tilts its seminars to emphasize views favorable to the
foundation's corporate backers, something FREE and many judges
adamantly dispute.
Other judges who
acknowledged accepting expense-paid trips but failing to disclose
them included David Sentelle of the District of Columbia Circuit
Court, Gerald Bard Tjoflat of the 11th Circuit Court in Atlanta,
Dudley H. Bowen Jr. of the District Court in Augusta, Ga., and
Malcolm Howard of the District Court in Greenville, N.C.
Judges who did not respond
to inquiries about their attendance at the seminars included Vanessa
Gilmore of the district court in Houston, Donald E. Walter of the
district court in Shreveport, La., and Judith M. Barzilay of the
U.S. Court of International Trade in New York. None disclosed the
trips in their annual reports.
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Thoughts on the Law Addressing Bad Federal Judges:
Self-Policing Isn't Working,
But Is There a Good Alternative?
By John W. Dean
Find Law - Legal Commentary
August 13, 2004
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Federal judges
and federal courts typically reflect a very high
standard of legal practice. The pruning process of
selecting men and women who must be confirmed by the
U.S. Senate -- where those who are clearly unqualified
are rejected before they ever get to the bench -- has
helped to maintain the highest standards at the federal
level.
John W. Dean
But with almost one thousand federal judges on the bench
- typically underpaid and overworked -- it is not
surprising there are a few blemished characters. The
criminal law can effectively address the very rare judge
who is truly corrupt. But what of judges who are
incompetent (sometimes from mental decrepitude), lazy,
dictatorial if not nasty in conducting the business of
their small empire, or conspicuously biased (regarding
gender, racial, ethnic, or sexual orientation)?
What - if
anything - can be done about such judges, consistent
with the constitutional guarantee of an independent
federal judiciary? Under our Constitution, impeaching
judges is extremely difficult. And in practice, the
federal statute that attempts to address the situation
of judges who are bad - but not corrupt - has been less
than effective.
For this
reason, the Chief Justice of the United States has
requested that his colleague, Justice Stephen Breyer --
along with four other federal judges and a top Rehnquist
administrative assistant -- undertake a study of the
matter. Specifically,
Justice Breyer has been asked "to evaluate how the
federal judicial system has implemented the Judicial
Conduct and Disability Act of 1980."
But don't hold
your breath waiting for revelations. If past studies of
this subject are any indication, the public will not
really be told very much about how the federal judiciary
currently deals with its dirty linen. But constructive
recommendations about change may be offered - and they
should be welcome, for this is a problem that needs to
be addressed.
Impeachment
and the "Good Behavior of the Federal Judiciary"
To understand
the situation of federal judges, it's important first to
set forth some constitutional background. In designing
our federal system, the founders sought to create an
independent judiciary - one that did not bow to the
power of the Executive or the Legislature, a truly
coequal third branch. Alexander Hamilton famously
expressed this point in Federalist 78.
Toward this
end, once confirmed by the Senate, a federal judge is
effectively tenured for life, or as
Article III of the Constitution sets forth, they
"hold their offices during good behavior." In addition,
also under Article III, judges' compensation cannot be
reduced while they are on the bench. Good behavior, as
Hamilton made clear, is "to secure a steady, upright,
and impartial administration of the laws."
Judges can only
be removed because of their "Treason, Bribery or other
high Crimes and Misdemeanors." Only a handful of federal
judges have ever been impeached under this high
standard. And Congress's failure to impeach and convict
Chief Justice Samuel Chase made clear that mere
disagreement with a judge's decisions, or judicial
philosophy, is not grounds for removal.
The
Constitution left a void as to how to address bad
federal judges whose behavior does not rise to the level
of criminal prosecution or impeachment. Since then, a
patchwork of practice has tried, and continues to try,
to fill the void. But it hasn't been very adept at doing
so.
The Advent
of Judicial Councils
The Chairman of
the Judiciary Committee of the House of Representatives,
James Sensenbrenner, seconded the Chief Justice's move
to initiate the Breyer panel study. In doing so,
Sensenbrenner issued a statement on the problem.
Sensenbrenner
noted, "The 1980 Act, which was amended during the 107th
Congress, is based on a self-governing construct that
allows the judicial branch large deference to police
itself regarding matters of judicial misconduct and
discipline. This system worked quite well during the
1980's. . . . Since then, however, this process has
not worked as well, with some complaints being
dismissed out of hand by the judicial branch without any
investigation." (Emphasis added.)
The mechanism
that is not working well now was initially fashioned in
the late 1930s with the emergence of the modern
judiciary - with its ever increasing criminal and civil
caseload, and the growth of additional judgeships. At
that time, Congress created "judicial councils" in each
of the federal circuits which cover the nation. (Today,
there are twelve numbered circuits, plus the District of
Columbia circuit.)
Judicial
councils are composed of circuit judges, and they
proceed under the direction of the senior circuit judge.
Their purpose is to ensure the proper administration of
court business within the circuit (including both the
appellate-level circuit courts and the trial-level
district courts).
In time,
Congress gave each judicial council express authority to
issue formal "orders for the effective and expeditious
administration of the business of the courts within its
circuit." These orders become the rules of the circuit.
Judicial councils were later authorized to use this
power in disciplinary matters as well, with the
enactment of the Judicial Conduct and Disability Act of
1980 - the statute Rehnquist has asked Breyer to review.
Appropriately,
after two and a half decades of experience, the Chief
Justice has raised the question of how well this law
actually works.
The Workings
of the Judicial Conduct And Disability Act of 1980
Anyone can file
a complaint for judicial misconduct with the clerk of
the federal court of appeals for the circuit in which a
given judge sits.
When the
complaint is received, the chief judge of the circuit
reviews it. If he or she can resolve the matter, it ends
there. If not, a special committee is formed to
investigate the complaint.
If this special
committee finds the complaint to have merit, it reports
to the judicial council of the circuit. The judicial
council can then impose a number of remedies: censure,
reprimand, temporary suspension of the judge, and
transferring cases on the judge's docket to others on
the court.
Finally, if an
impeachable offensive is uncovered, the judicial council
reports its findings to the Judicial Conference of the
United States (which has administrative jurisdiction
over all the federal courts). In turn, the Judicial
Conference can submit the matter to the U.S. House of
Representatives for impeachment proceedings.
Why the
Act's Procedures Have Been Ineffective: A Case In Point
While this is
all well and good, as many federal practitioners know,
it really doesn't root out the bad judges. The process
has worked for corrupt judges and some conspicuously
egregious misconduct. But the run-of-the-mill bad judge
can escape its reach.
Thus, the
little robed czar or czarina who rules his or her
courtroom empire with justice only for the chosen few,
almost always remains immune. And unfortunately, even
those who are subjected to the law escape public
censure and condemnation, even of their peers.
Consider the
following case: Harvard Law Professor Alan Dershowitz
wrote the well-known book Reversal Of Fortune,
about his work on the Claus von Bulow wife-murder case.
When talking about his book, Dershowitz publicly
commented that to deal with Rhode Island judges it was
necessary to have a "local yokel" to deal with them
behind the scenes.
Whether true or
false, Dershowitz's intemperate remark was offensive. In
response, former Rhode Island Superior Court Judge
Ronald R. Lagueux told the Providence Journal
that he'd never let Dershowitiz practice in his
courtroom again. According to the Journal,
Lagueux said, "There's an old saying that you don't get
into a urinating contest with a skunk."
Judge Lagueux
was soon appointed to the federal bench. A former
Dershowitz student and friend appeared before him - and
asked the judge to recuse himself. But Judge Judge
Lagueux refused, repeating his ban on Dershowitz's own
appearances from the bench, and in a written ruling.
Dershowitz
filed a complaint under the Judicial Conduct and
Disability Act of 1980. As a result, the judicial
council of the First Circuit censured Judge Lagueux.
This step was praiseworthy but rare, for in fact, most
complaints are not acted on.
More
strikingly, following standard procedures under the 1980
Act, the judicial council ordered that both the
complaint and the censure be kept secret. The obvious
question is: What good is a censure if no one knows
about it? Indeed, Dershowitz was told he would face a
contempt of court citation if he disclosed either his
complaint or the censure.
Nonetheless,
the story leaked - and was reported in a July 14, 1989
New York Times article. But if it had not, the
complaint and censure would have remained entirely
secret. And in this case, escaping the pitiless
spotlight of publicity means, in effect, escaping any
sanction at all.
Evidence
Reveals Complaints About Judges Are Virtually Ignored
Dershowitz was
lucky, in a way, that he was listened to at all. As
Chairman Sensenbrenner's committee learned during the
last Congress (when it tweaked the misconduct law),
virtually no such complaints are acted on.
The subcommittee of the House Judiciary
Committee examining the law
was told of one study from "fiscal years 1996 and 1997"
that showed that "more than 1000 formal complaints were
filed against federal judges nationwide. The chief
judges decided that not one of these cases required
official discipline." In addition, "[i]n more that 450
cases, complainants appealed the dismissal of their
complaint to the judicial council of an appellate court.
These councils rejected every appeal."
These
statistics were deeply disturbing. As expert witness
Douglas Kendall explained to the subcommittee, while no
doubt some of the complaints were frivolous, "given the
evidence that suggest that ethical transgressions do
occur with some regularity, it strains credibility to
suggest that not one of over 1,000 formal complaints
warranted any official disciplinary action." (Emphasis
added.) Indeed, Kendall himself provided devastating
evidence about "junkets for judges" - so-called
educational retreats at plush resorts to instruct judges
in the law (the way the sponsor wants the judge to
understand the law).
Since it is
futile to file a complaint, few attorneys do so. They
anticipate little benefit - and a potentially
devastating cost.
Attorneys
understand that the judge will be shown their complaint
and given an opportunity to respond -- all in secret, of
course. Thus, they reasonably fear that, if they appear
again before the judge, they will be punished for their
complaint in some subtle or not-so-subtle way.
Complaint
Proceedings Should Be Open, Not Secret
Since federal
judges are appointed for life, complaints of their
behavior should be open, and sanctions should be
disclosed. The reason cited for secrecy is the need to
preserve the federal judiciary's independence. But as
noted above, the Constitution already does that quite
effectively. So the independence of the judiciary
actually cuts the other way: With judges effectively
immune from impeaching, and serving for life, they ought
to be able to withstand a little public scrutiny.
Ironically,
more vulnerable and accountable state judges - who
unlike federal judges usually are elected, with limited
terms -- typically face open complaint procedures. Over
thirty states - a healthy majority -- have open
disciplinary proceedings for judges.
The result has
been enhanced public confidence in the state judiciary.
Hopefully, the Breyer Committee will look at the
successes of the states in restoring confidence through
openness. After all, federal judges' traditional
prestige may be waning. With conservatives seeking to
pack the federal judiciary it is politicizing the
appointment process, and the public has developed a
growing and understandable skepticism about the
impartiality of the federal bench.
In the end, an
imperial (and unchecked) judiciary is as troublesome as
an imperial presidency. The high bar for impeachment is
necessary to make sure the federal judiciary is a
coequal branch of government.
But to further
protect federal judges from any scrutiny or sanction, as
the 1980 Act does, goes much too far. Being part of a
democracy means openness and accountability - not
secrecy and doubt - as much so for the judiciary, as for
other branches.
Alexander
Hamilton called the judicial branch the weakest. Its
strength and power stems from its good judgment, for it
must rely on others to enforce its rulings.
Not only would
sunlight on their conduct proceedings be a disinfectant,
it is the only possible disinfectant - for
impeachment is rightly near-impossible, so openness in
dealing with misconduct will serve to keep the federal
judiciary a viable and vital part of our democracy.
And when
Justice Breyer finishes with the lower courts, he should
turn his attention to his own court, which is not
covered by the 1980 disability and misconduct law.
John W. Dean
Before becoming Counsel to the President of the United
States in July 1970 at age thirty-one, John Dean was
Chief Minority Counsel to the Judiciary Committee of the
United States House of Representatives, the Associate
Director of a law reform commission, and Associate
Deputy Attorney General of the United States. He served
as Richard Nixon's White House lawyer for a thousand
days.
He did his undergraduate studies at
Colgate University and the College of Wooster, with
majors in English Literature and Political Science. He
received a graduate fellowship from American University
to study government and the presidency, before entering
Georgetown University Law Center, where he received his
JD in 1965.
John has written many articles on law,
government, and politics. He has recounted his days in
the Nixon White House and Watergate in two books, Blind
Ambition (1976) and Lost Honor (1982). John Lives in
Beverly Hills, California with his wife Maureen. He
works as a writer, lecturer, and private investment
banker.
In 2001 he published "The
Rehnquist Choice: The Untold Story of the Nixon
Appointment that Redefined the Supreme Court;" in
2002 he published an e-book "Unmasking
Deep Throat;" and in early 2004,
Warren G. Harding. His newest book is "Worse
Than Watergate: The Secret Presidency of George W. Bush."
http://writ.news.findlaw.com/dean/20040813.html |
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