New Rules Mean Shift Toward Accountability for Judiciary

By Tony Mauro
New York Lawyer
Legal Times
September 20, 2006

Responding to complaints about judicial junkets and conflicts of interest, the Judicial Conference on Tuesday enacted new rules to force judges to use conflict-checking software and to promptly disclose their participation in privately sponsored seminars for which they are reimbursed.

Separately, a committee headed by Supreme Court Justice Stephen Breyer issued a report recommending modest changes in how federal courts handle ethical complaints that members of the public file against judges. Among the recommendations is what Breyer described as a "Dutch uncle approach," whereby judges would seek advice on handling certain complaints from judges of another circuit to avoid "home court" bias.

Together, Tuesday's actions represent a major shift toward accountability -- or at least transparency -- from segments of a branch of government that has often resisted both.

Judges also hoped to defuse pressure from Congress, primarily in the person of House Judiciary Committee Chairman James Sensenbrenner, R-Wis., who has proposed creating an inspector general's office to oversee the judiciary's handling of ethical complaints. The late Chief Justice William Rehnquist appointed the Breyer Committee in 2004, mainly in response to congressional complaints.

"Issuance of the two policies and the Breyer Committee report are responsive to these concerns," says University of Richmond law professor Carl Tobias. "If the judiciary does not police itself, Congress may well attempt to do so in ways that judges may find troubling."

Tuesday's focus on judicial ethics comes on the eve of the Sept. 21 hearings by the House Judiciary Committee that could lead to the impeachment of California federal trial Judge Manuel Real, which would be the first judicial impeachment since 1989.

Chief Justice John Roberts Jr., in a rare impromptu press conference at the Court, applauded both of Tuesday's moves and urged federal judges to take "prompt action."

Significantly, none of what happened Tuesday affects the Supreme Court itself. The Judicial Conference never sets policy for the high court, and Breyer, speaking at the same press conference, said the scope of his committee's study of disciplinary procedures did not include the Supreme Court. As a result, it appears the justices have still not taken action on a 1993 recommendation by a blue-ribbon government commission that the Court consider establishing procedures for handling complaints against its own members.

Breyer said his committee concluded that, overall, the handling of ethical complaints by lower federal courts "does not suggest a serious problem," but a better job needs to be done in some instances, especially in the handling of complex complaints that receive media attention.

The Judicial Conference actions could have the most immediate impact on privately sponsored seminars other than those hosted by bar associations and judicial education groups.

Under the new rules, judges will be barred from accepting reimbursement for seminars hosted by organizations that do not publicly disclose their funding sources, speakers' names, and other information. Once they attend, judges will have to publicly disclose their attendance on their court's Web site within 30 days.

"The new junket rules are a pretty dramatic change of course for the judiciary, and they send a clear statement to judges that they should think twice before attending junkets," Doug Kendall of the Community Rights Counsel said Tuesday. Kendall's group has repeatedly criticized judges for attending seminars funded by companies with an interest in influencing how judges handle economic and environmental cases.

One of the targets of Kendall's criticism has been the Montana-based Foundation for Research on Economics & the Environment (FREE), which has hosted hundreds of federal judges in the past 15 years. It asserts that none of the funding for its judicial seminars comes from any corporate entity or any foundation that participates in federal litigation.

"I've seen the requirements, and everything they ask for, we've been doing voluntarily," says FREE Executive Vice President Pete Geddes. "FREE is happy to do anything it can to reassure the public about the integrity and independence of the judiciary."

The conference's action on conflict-checking software reflects the concern that many judges don't think it works well and have not put it to use. Now they will have to, said D.C. District Court Chief Judge Thomas Hogan, head of the conference's executive committee.

Hogan told reporters his software reminds him of a potential conflict of interest every time a party named Johnson appears before him. That, he said with a laugh, is because he and his wife own stock in the medical company Johnson & Johnson.

Did a Federal Judge Cross a Legal Line for His Clerk?

Julie Kay
Daily Business Review
August 28, 2006

Southern District of Florida Judge Shelby Highsmith and a U.S. Marshals Service deputy are drawing criticism for intervening in a personal dispute involving the judge's clerk and her daughter at a downtown Miami store.

The incident is raising eyebrows in the legal community as well as questions about whether Highsmith may have violated judicial canons by misusing his judicial powers.

Both Highsmith and an unidentified deputy showed up at the store during the incident, flashed their government identifications, and began questioning store employees and asking for their addresses.

The incident occurred in December, but it only recently came to light when the city's Civilian Investigative Panel took up the issue Aug. 15, after Highsmith filed a complaint against a Miami police officer who responded to the scene.

The officer, Michael Ragusa, was cleared of charges of discourtesy.

According to a CIP report as well as Highsmith's clerk, Laura Sabbatino, the incident began when Sabbatino's daughter, Adriana Thorne, was shopping at Gifts & Luggage at 27 E. Flagler St. Thorne purchased a $7 item and paid by credit card.

Sabbatino, in an interview with the Daily Business Review, said that the clerk told her daughter the card could only be used for debit and then handed back the card wrapped in a receipt. About five minutes later, Thorne got a call from her bank, Wachovia Bank, asking whether she had just made a $300 purchase at Macy's. The card had been used in both the jewelry department and the baby department.

Thorne took out her credit card and discovered it was not hers but someone else's. She called her mother, who was standing in front of Highsmith in his chambers. According to Sabbatino's statement, the judge "instructed Mrs. Sabbatino to call the Deputy's Service and that they were on the way down to her daughter."

Both the judge and a deputy, whose name is not identified in the report, appeared at the store and asked to speak to the cashier. The judge then showed the owner his identification.

The owner replied that the clerk, who is pregnant, was not feeling well and had gone home. When the judge began asking more questions, the store owner responded, "This is not court! If you have a complaint, call the police!"

The deputy, who appeared on the scene a couple of minutes later, asked the store owner for the clerk's address, since she had left before the deputy's arrival. The owner, Joseph Yoo, reluctantly gave the deputy the address, according to Yoo's statement, and the deputy left the store. The report does not state whether the deputy took further action.

At this point Sabbatino called the police, and Highsmith departed.

Ragusa responded to the scene and the clerk showed up. The clerk said she was not feeling well and Ragusa asked whether she needed fire rescue. "OK, stop! Everyone step away," Ragusa said. 'We have a pregnant woman here. This investigation can't continue." He then said, according to Sabbatino, "For all I know you're the one who took the card. You can't point fingers; you need to take this up with the bank."

"The officer was a jerk," Sabbatino said. "He was very rude. Instantly, my daughter felt that we were no longer the victims."

Ragusa could not be reached for comment.

But in his statement for the CIP, he gave a slightly different version of events. He reported that Sabbatino yelled at him and put both hands about two to three feet from his face. When he told Thorne and her mother to stand at the opposite end of the store, the mother refused, saying, "I work for a judge." Ragusa threatened to jail Sabbatino if she would not move.

Highsmith, who is on leave until Oct. 30, did not return telephone calls seeking comment.

Albert Hidalgo, a deputy with the U.S. Marshals Service in Miami, said he was not familiar with the details of the incident and did not know the name of the deputy involved.

But he said the 80 deputies who work in the Southern District of Florida are supposed to provide protection to the federal judiciary and are not supposed to get involved in personal disputes outside the courthouse that don't involve a judge's safety.

Other duties, according to a Marshals Service Web site, are to apprehend fugitives, transport and manage prisoners, serve court documents and administer the Justice Department's asset forfeiture program.

Some legal observers called Highsmith's actions a serious breach of judicial conduct and likened the incident to the recent resignation of the attorney general of New Jersey, who was found to have violated her department's code of ethics by coming to the aid of a companion during a traffic stop.

"The judge should apologize and be reprimanded," said Robert Jarvis, who teaches ethics law at Nova Southeastern University. "This is outrageous conduct. He used the prestige of his office for a personal favor and using public resources to intervene in a private dispute. This showed extremely poor judgment on the judge's part."

Jarvis suggested that the judge write a check to the judiciary to reimburse it for the time the deputy spent on the personal errand.

Highsmith's action violates several judicial canons, Jarvis said. Not only does it compromise the integrity of the judiciary, said Jarvis, but it reflects a conflict of interest on the judges' part.

"It raises in the minds of the public that there are two systems of justice -- one for those who are connected and one for us poor schmucks," he said.

Jarvis also reserved some criticism for the deputy, who used his powers to wrongly "intimidate and harass" the store clerk, he said.

Several lawyers who did not want to be identified also said the judge erred by summoning a deputy to assist him with a personal dispute. "U.S. deputies have a serious duty and they're not the errand boys of the judges," said one Miami lawyer.

For her part, Sabbatino said she was disappointed that Ragusa was cleared of the charge of discourtesy. She said the judge did nothing wrong in calling a deputy to the store.

"He can have a deputy accompany him anywhere he wants to go," she said. "That's part of his job."

Ethics Lapses by Federal Judges Persist, Review Finds
Violations Involve Stock Holdings And Free Trips

By Joe Stephens
Washington Post Staff Writer
April 18, 2006

A number of federal judges have violated ethics rules in recent years by presiding over lawsuits while having a financial conflict. Others have failed to disclose that they traveled to resorts on expense-paid trips.

Interviews and documents reviewed by The Washington Post identified about a dozen such ethical lapses in recent years.

One category of problems involves stock holdings. In 2003, records show, federal appeals court judges issued rulings in at least seven lawsuits while they or their spouses owned stock in a company involved in the case or had other financial ties to a party in the disputes. The problem stock holdings ranged in value from a few thousand dollars to as much as $50,000. Federal law requires that judges remove themselves from any case in which they know they have any financial interest.

A second set of ethical lapses involves seminars held at resorts by a Montana-based group, the Foundation for Research on Economics and the Environment (FREE).

On at least six occasions from 2002 to 2004, federal judges accepted air travel, food and lodging from the libertarian foundation but did not list the gifts on their annual disclosure reports, as required by law, documents and interviews show. The seminars dealt with economics and the environment, but also offered the judges time for fishing, hiking and horseback riding.

The review found that some judges were repeat offenders: Previous investigations by The Post identified nearly identical ethical lapses involving two of the judges.

It is impossible to determine just how frequently judges violate ethics laws because public records are limited. A 1998 law allows judges to black out some or all information on disclosure reports before releasing them to the public. Also, many organizations keep confidential the names of judges who accept expense-paid trips, frustrating attempts to verify disclosure reports.

Ethics experts expressed surprise that such transgressions persist because court authorities reacted to earlier revelations of ethical violations with promises of reform.

"It seems to be a very blatant violation of the code of judicial ethics," said Jeffrey M. Shaman, a judicial ethicist at DePaul University.

Stephen Gillers, a specialist in legal ethics at New York University, said the study "goes to the heart of what a judge is understood to be."

"Congress says you cannot sit [on a case] if you or your spouse owns even one share" of stock, Gillers said. "It's the law, and judges have to obey it."

The findings show that new laws are needed to prevent abuse, said Douglas T. Kendall, executive director of Community Rights Counsel, a nonprofit Washington law firm that supplied The Post with documents outlining the problems.

"These problems are getting worse, not better, and it's because the judiciary hasn't taken some simple steps to make them go away," Kendall said.

Thomas F. Hogan, chief judge for the District of Columbia and chairman of the executive committee of the U.S. Judicial Conference, which oversees ethics issues, said in a statement that the lapses, while regrettable, are the exception, not the rule.

"The judiciary will continue its already widespread efforts to educate judges on their financial disclosure requirements and will develop additional tools to assist judges in identifying potential conflicts," Hogan said.

Earlier this year, Sen. Patrick J. Leahy (Vt.), ranking Democrat on the Judiciary Committee, introduced legislation to ban privately financed trips for federal judges and make it easier for the public to identify stock conflicts. A Leahy spokeswoman said the senator raised the issue last month with the Judicial Conference.

In a statement, Leahy said, "Our judges must be beyond reproach -- in appearance and otherwise."

Stock Conflicts

The stock conflicts found involved federal appeals judges; the study did not look at conflicts involving the much larger pool of trial-level judges.

Some of the judges said they missed conflicts involving subsidiaries of companies in their portfolios. Others said they were confused by cases with multiple players or unaware of a spouse's assets. Federal law directs judges to know their financial interests so they can quickly resolve conflicts.

Judge Bruce Selya of the 1st Circuit in Rhode Island held up to $15,000 in stock in the Federal National Mortgage Association in 2003 while participating in a lawsuit against the company. Selya sold the stock nine days after entering judgment in the case.

Selya said he was unaware of the conflict until told by The Post, explaining that "anything that involves human beings is susceptible to error."

In 1999, a similar Post study discovered that Selya had participated in three lawsuits while owning stock in one of the companies involved. Selya blamed those problems on his investment manager, who the judge said bought stocks for his portfolio and only later supplied him with the company names.

Other judges whose disclosure statements showed that they had a financial interest in litigants in their courtrooms included Eric L. Clay of the 6th Circuit in Detroit, Martha Daughtrey of the 6th Circuit in Nashville, James Dennis of the 5th Circuit in New Orleans, John Coffey of the 7th Circuit in Milwaukee (two cases) and Harry Pregerson of the 9th Circuit in Woodland Hills, Calif.

Coffey said the securities in question were held in a trust overseen by his wife that primarily benefited their adult children and from which she had drawn money. The judge said he did not believe that he was required to withdraw from such cases but would do so in the future.

In numerous other cases, judges' disclosure reports appear to identify conflicts of interest involving stocks, but the judges contended in interviews that no true conflicts existed because they had inadvertently misrepresented their holdings on the statements.

Unreported Trips

In most cases, it is impossible to independently determine whether judges are complying with the disclosure laws. That's because most organizations that give judges expense-paid trips keep the names of the judges secret.

An exception is FREE, the libertarian foundation. In recent years it has listed on its Web site the names of participants in its seminars, which are held at a dude ranch and a historic railroad hotel in Montana.

Hundreds of judges have attended, and officials at the private, nonprofit foundation said they pick up all costs, including airfare, for 90 percent of them.

FREE estimated that food, lodging and horseback riding for one recent five-day seminar totaled $1,350 per person. Judges often bring their spouses but must pay for any additional costs incurred.

When questioned, five judges who attended seminars between 2002 and 2004 acknowledged accepting free trips but not listing them on disclosure reports. Some judges said they forgot to make the entries, while others said they were unaware of the rules.

Ethics experts questioned those explanations, pointing out that the annual financial disclosure forms, which the judges must sign under penalty of law, direct them to itemize each gift and reimbursement for "transportation, lodging, food."

One judge who left the section blank was Peter Beer of the Eastern District of Louisiana. Beer checked a box labeled "none" on his reports for 2002 and 2004.

In an interview, Beer said that FREE had paid expenses at two seminars on a tourist ranch near Yellowstone National Park. "As far as I was concerned, that was not an item that I was required to report," Beer said. "I never considered I was obliged to do that."

The sponsors of the seminars disagreed.

"There's no controversy over this -- it should be disclosed," said Pete Geddes, FREE's executive vice president. He called the judges' failures to make the trips public "surprising and a little frustrating."

Beer said the ranch provided "pleasant surroundings" and, after the day's discussions, allowed time for hiking and other outdoor activities. Beer said he thought, but could not be sure, that his wife accompanied him on one of the trips.

Beer should have been on notice about his legal duty to disclose the gifts, Kendall said. A study by The Post in 2000 found that Beer had failed to disclose an earlier FREE trip.

Some ethics experts said the lapses were especially striking because the FREE seminars have become controversial in recent years after questions about their content were raised by Community Rights Counsel. The law firm argues that FREE tilts its seminars to emphasize views favorable to the foundation's corporate backers, something FREE and many judges adamantly dispute.

Other judges who acknowledged accepting expense-paid trips but failing to disclose them included David Sentelle of the District of Columbia Circuit Court, Gerald Bard Tjoflat of the 11th Circuit Court in Atlanta, Dudley H. Bowen Jr. of the District Court in Augusta, Ga., and Malcolm Howard of the District Court in Greenville, N.C.

Judges who did not respond to inquiries about their attendance at the seminars included Vanessa Gilmore of the district court in Houston, Donald E. Walter of the district court in Shreveport, La., and Judith M. Barzilay of the U.S. Court of International Trade in New York. None disclosed the trips in their annual reports.

Thoughts on the Law Addressing Bad Federal Judges:
Self-Policing Isn't Working, But Is There a Good Alternative?

By John W. Dean
Find Law - Legal Commentary  
August 13, 2004
       

Federal judges and federal courts typically reflect a very high standard of legal practice. The pruning process of selecting men and women who must be confirmed by the U.S. Senate -- where those who are clearly unqualified are rejected before they ever get to the bench -- has helped to maintain the highest standards at the federal level.

John W. Dean           But with almost one thousand federal judges on the bench - typically underpaid and overworked -- it is not surprising there are a few blemished characters. The criminal law can effectively address the very rare judge who is truly corrupt. But what of judges who are incompetent (sometimes from mental decrepitude), lazy, dictatorial if not nasty in conducting the business of their small empire, or conspicuously biased (regarding gender, racial, ethnic, or sexual orientation)?

What - if anything - can be done about such judges, consistent with the constitutional guarantee of an independent federal judiciary? Under our Constitution, impeaching judges is extremely difficult. And in practice, the federal statute that attempts to address the situation of judges who are bad - but not corrupt - has been less than effective.

For this reason, the Chief Justice of the United States has requested that his colleague, Justice Stephen Breyer -- along with four other federal judges and a top Rehnquist administrative assistant -- undertake a study of the matter. Specifically, Justice Breyer has been asked "to evaluate how the federal judicial system has implemented the Judicial Conduct and Disability Act of 1980."

But don't hold your breath waiting for revelations. If past studies of this subject are any indication, the public will not really be told very much about how the federal judiciary currently deals with its dirty linen. But constructive recommendations about change may be offered - and they should be welcome, for this is a problem that needs to be addressed.

Impeachment and the "Good Behavior of the Federal Judiciary"

To understand the situation of federal judges, it's important first to set forth some constitutional background. In designing our federal system, the founders sought to create an independent judiciary - one that did not bow to the power of the Executive or the Legislature, a truly coequal third branch. Alexander Hamilton famously expressed this point in Federalist 78.

Toward this end, once confirmed by the Senate, a federal judge is effectively tenured for life, or as Article III of the Constitution sets forth, they "hold their offices during good behavior." In addition, also under Article III, judges' compensation cannot be reduced while they are on the bench. Good behavior, as Hamilton made clear, is "to secure a steady, upright, and impartial administration of the laws."

Judges can only be removed because of their "Treason, Bribery or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors." Only a handful of federal judges have ever been impeached under this high standard. And Congress's failure to impeach and convict Chief Justice Samuel Chase made clear that mere disagreement with a judge's decisions, or judicial philosophy, is not grounds for removal.

The Constitution left a void as to how to address bad federal judges whose behavior does not rise to the level of criminal prosecution or impeachment. Since then, a patchwork of practice has tried, and continues to try, to fill the void. But it hasn't been very adept at doing so.

The Advent of Judicial Councils

The Chairman of the Judiciary Committee of the House of Representatives, James Sensenbrenner, seconded the Chief Justice's move to initiate the Breyer panel study. In doing so, Sensenbrenner issued a statement on the problem.

Sensenbrenner noted, "The 1980 Act, which was amended during the 107th Congress, is based on a self-governing construct that allows the judicial branch large deference to police itself regarding matters of judicial misconduct and discipline. This system worked quite well during the 1980's. . . . Since then, however, this process has not worked as well, with some complaints being dismissed out of hand by the judicial branch without any investigation." (Emphasis added.)

The mechanism that is not working well now was initially fashioned in the late 1930s with the emergence of the modern judiciary - with its ever increasing criminal and civil caseload, and the growth of additional judgeships. At that time, Congress created "judicial councils" in each of the federal circuits which cover the nation. (Today, there are twelve numbered circuits, plus the District of Columbia circuit.)

Judicial councils are composed of circuit judges, and they proceed under the direction of the senior circuit judge. Their purpose is to ensure the proper administration of court business within the circuit (including both the appellate-level circuit courts and the trial-level district courts).

In time, Congress gave each judicial council express authority to issue formal "orders for the effective and expeditious administration of the business of the courts within its circuit." These orders become the rules of the circuit. Judicial councils were later authorized to use this power in disciplinary matters as well, with the enactment of the Judicial Conduct and Disability Act of 1980 - the statute Rehnquist has asked Breyer to review.

Appropriately, after two and a half decades of experience, the Chief Justice has raised the question of how well this law actually works.

The Workings of the Judicial Conduct And Disability Act of 1980

Anyone can file a complaint for judicial misconduct with the clerk of the federal court of appeals for the circuit in which a given judge sits.

When the complaint is received, the chief judge of the circuit reviews it. If he or she can resolve the matter, it ends there. If not, a special committee is formed to investigate the complaint.

If this special committee finds the complaint to have merit, it reports to the judicial council of the circuit. The judicial council can then impose a number of remedies: censure, reprimand, temporary suspension of the judge, and transferring cases on the judge's docket to others on the court.

Finally, if an impeachable offensive is uncovered, the judicial council reports its findings to the Judicial Conference of the United States (which has administrative jurisdiction over all the federal courts). In turn, the Judicial Conference can submit the matter to the U.S. House of Representatives for impeachment proceedings.

Why the Act's Procedures Have Been Ineffective: A Case In Point

While this is all well and good, as many federal practitioners know, it really doesn't root out the bad judges. The process has worked for corrupt judges and some conspicuously egregious misconduct. But the run-of-the-mill bad judge can escape its reach.

Thus, the little robed czar or czarina who rules his or her courtroom empire with justice only for the chosen few, almost always remains immune. And unfortunately, even those who are subjected to the law escape public censure and condemnation, even of their peers.

Consider the following case: Harvard Law Professor Alan Dershowitz wrote the well-known book Reversal Of Fortune, about his work on the Claus von Bulow wife-murder case. When talking about his book, Dershowitz publicly commented that to deal with Rhode Island judges it was necessary to have a "local yokel" to deal with them behind the scenes.

Whether true or false, Dershowitz's intemperate remark was offensive. In response, former Rhode Island Superior Court Judge Ronald R. Lagueux told the Providence Journal that he'd never let Dershowitiz practice in his courtroom again. According to the Journal, Lagueux said, "There's an old saying that you don't get into a urinating contest with a skunk."

Judge Lagueux was soon appointed to the federal bench. A former Dershowitz student and friend appeared before him - and asked the judge to recuse himself. But Judge Judge Lagueux refused, repeating his ban on Dershowitz's own appearances from the bench, and in a written ruling.

Dershowitz filed a complaint under the Judicial Conduct and Disability Act of 1980. As a result, the judicial council of the First Circuit censured Judge Lagueux. This step was praiseworthy but rare, for in fact, most complaints are not acted on.

More strikingly, following standard procedures under the 1980 Act, the judicial council ordered that both the complaint and the censure be kept secret. The obvious question is: What good is a censure if no one knows about it? Indeed, Dershowitz was told he would face a contempt of court citation if he disclosed either his complaint or the censure.

Nonetheless, the story leaked - and was reported in a July 14, 1989 New York Times article. But if it had not, the complaint and censure would have remained entirely secret. And in this case, escaping the pitiless spotlight of publicity means, in effect, escaping any sanction at all.

Evidence Reveals Complaints About Judges Are Virtually Ignored

Dershowitz was lucky, in a way, that he was listened to at all. As Chairman Sensenbrenner's committee learned during the last Congress (when it tweaked the misconduct law), virtually no such complaints are acted on.

The subcommittee of the House Judiciary Committee examining the law was told of one study from "fiscal years 1996 and 1997" that showed that "more than 1000 formal complaints were filed against federal judges nationwide. The chief judges decided that not one of these cases required official discipline." In addition, "[i]n more that 450 cases, complainants appealed the dismissal of their complaint to the judicial council of an appellate court. These councils rejected every appeal."

These statistics were deeply disturbing. As expert witness Douglas Kendall explained to the subcommittee, while no doubt some of the complaints were frivolous, "given the evidence that suggest that ethical transgressions do occur with some regularity, it strains credibility to suggest that not one of over 1,000 formal complaints warranted any official disciplinary action." (Emphasis added.) Indeed, Kendall himself provided devastating evidence about "junkets for judges" - so-called educational retreats at plush resorts to instruct judges in the law (the way the sponsor wants the judge to understand the law).

Since it is futile to file a complaint, few attorneys do so. They anticipate little benefit - and a potentially devastating cost.

Attorneys understand that the judge will be shown their complaint and given an opportunity to respond -- all in secret, of course. Thus, they reasonably fear that, if they appear again before the judge, they will be punished for their complaint in some subtle or not-so-subtle way.

Complaint Proceedings Should Be Open, Not Secret

Since federal judges are appointed for life, complaints of their behavior should be open, and sanctions should be disclosed. The reason cited for secrecy is the need to preserve the federal judiciary's independence. But as noted above, the Constitution already does that quite effectively. So the independence of the judiciary actually cuts the other way: With judges effectively immune from impeaching, and serving for life, they ought to be able to withstand a little public scrutiny.

Ironically, more vulnerable and accountable state judges - who unlike federal judges usually are elected, with limited terms -- typically face open complaint procedures. Over thirty states - a healthy majority -- have open disciplinary proceedings for judges.

The result has been enhanced public confidence in the state judiciary. Hopefully, the Breyer Committee will look at the successes of the states in restoring confidence through openness. After all, federal judges' traditional prestige may be waning. With conservatives seeking to pack the federal judiciary it is politicizing the appointment process, and the public has developed a growing and understandable skepticism about the impartiality of the federal bench.

In the end, an imperial (and unchecked) judiciary is as troublesome as an imperial presidency. The high bar for impeachment is necessary to make sure the federal judiciary is a coequal branch of government.

But to further protect federal judges from any scrutiny or sanction, as the 1980 Act does, goes much too far. Being part of a democracy means openness and accountability - not secrecy and doubt - as much so for the judiciary, as for other branches.

Alexander Hamilton called the judicial branch the weakest. Its strength and power stems from its good judgment, for it must rely on others to enforce its rulings.

Not only would sunlight on their conduct proceedings be a disinfectant, it is the only possible disinfectant - for impeachment is rightly near-impossible, so openness in dealing with misconduct will serve to keep the federal judiciary a viable and vital part of our democracy.

And when Justice Breyer finishes with the lower courts, he should turn his attention to his own court, which is not covered by the 1980 disability and misconduct law.

John W. Dean

Before becoming Counsel to the President of the United States in July 1970 at age thirty-one, John Dean was Chief Minority Counsel to the Judiciary Committee of the United States House of Representatives, the Associate Director of a law reform commission, and Associate Deputy Attorney General of the United States. He served as Richard Nixon's White House lawyer for a thousand days.

He did his undergraduate studies at Colgate University and the College of Wooster, with majors in English Literature and Political Science. He received a graduate fellowship from American University to study government and the presidency, before entering Georgetown University Law Center, where he received his JD in 1965.

John has written many articles on law, government, and politics. He has recounted his days in the Nixon White House and Watergate in two books, Blind Ambition (1976) and Lost Honor (1982). John Lives in Beverly Hills, California with his wife Maureen. He works as a writer, lecturer, and private investment banker.

In 2001 he published "The Rehnquist Choice: The Untold Story of the Nixon Appointment that Redefined the Supreme Court;" in 2002 he published an e-book "Unmasking Deep Throat;" and in early 2004, Warren G. Harding. His newest book is "Worse Than Watergate: The Secret Presidency of George W. Bush."

http://writ.news.findlaw.com/dean/20040813.html

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