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Chief
Justice off Mark on Judges' Earnings
Our Opinion: Judicial Pay Shouldn't Be Tied to Congressional
Salaries
Editorial
Miami Herald
January 8, 2007
When the chief justice of the U.S. Supreme Court says that
federal judges are grossly underpaid, one should be predisposed to
accept that assertion. After all, who knows better than the top
judge, Chief Justice John Roberts, what judges deserve for the work
they perform? Yet after reviewing the chief judge's year-end report
on the state of the judiciary, we are not persuaded. You can read
the report online at
www.supremecourtus.gov.
Click on public information, then year-end report.
Lawyers can earn more
Chief Justice Roberts says
that federal judges' salaries haven't kept pace with inflation, nor
even with the pay of top law-school deans and senior law professors.
Even some beginning lawyers will make more after a year than
experienced federal judges earn, he says. Worse, the relatively poor
pay ''will inevitably result in a decline in the quality of
persons'' on the bench, amounting to a ''constitutional crisis,''
says the chief justice. With all due respect, Justice Roberts has
got the case all wrong. Here's what federal judges make:
District-court:
$165,200.
Appeals-court:
$175,100.
Chief justice:
$212,000.
Yes, many top lawyers earn
much more. But judges work less, enjoy many perks, are appointed for
life and have much-more generous benefits, including full pay for
those who retire after age 65 with 15 years of experience on the
bench.
It is true that, compared
to 40 years ago, federal judges make less today than top law-school
deans and senior law professors. But many of these academics
supervise larger staffs and have more administrative chores -- in
addition to their legal duties -- than do federal judges.
Linked to Congress
Here's the heart of the
matter: Judicial salaries haven't kept pace with inflation because
Congress linked its members' pay to judges' pay. The idea was that
it would be easier to pass pay hikes if the public perceived that
the raises were for judges. This scheme was so transparent that
Congress didn't have the courage to raise pay for several years,
thereby creating the inflation gap in judicial pay. This phony
linkage of congressional and judicial salaries is the problem. Yet,
amazingly, Justice Roberts fails to argue for de-linking pay as a
solution.
More troubling is the chief
justice's assertion that only less-qualified judges will work at
current pay levels. This isn't true. It insults the intelligence and
integrity of jurists who, as a body, are extraordinarily
conscientious and productive.
Despite the justice's
unhelpful remarks, federal judges really do deserve more pay. But
their salaries shouldn't be based on what law professors, law
partners or members of Congress make. Their pay should be set by an
independent commission that develops standards and criteria for
their compensation.
O Mighty Crisis the
"Constitutional Collapse"
Over Judicial Pay
By Dahlia Lithwick
Washingtonpost.Newsweek
January 2, 2007
I have been accused by readers of being far too fond of the new
chief justice. Several of my colleagues have broken into song when
they see me—a little ditty linking me to the chief with a chorus
that ends, "k-i-s-s-i-n-g." And while I acknowledge that my regard
for John Roberts' intellect and charm is only enhanced by his cheery
eyes and sense of humor, I don't believe I have overstated the
chief's gifts. John Roberts is, in an era of ugly partisanship, a
uniter.
Who else could get the National Review Online's Matthew Franck to
agree with the University of Texas law school's Sanford Levinson?
Who else could lead Doug Powers to agreement with the folks over at
Think Progress and the Wall Street Journal's Jess Bravin? Wow. Ten
out of 10 pundits polled believe that the chief justice's 2006
year-end report (released to coincide with the ball-drop) was
offensive, outrageous, and appalling.
In his eight-page report, the chief focuses, with charts and graphs
and his trademark folksy good nature, on a single issue: He and his
colleagues want a raise. He starts off with a cute anecdote and
warms up the crowd with some Rose Bowl references. It all looks
pretty promising. Until he goes off the rails completely with some
dubious analysis and wraps it all up in claims of a "constitutional
crisis."
I won't delve here into the merits of Roberts' numerical analysis.
Unlike Franck, I think federal judges are due for a pay raise, and I
disagree that Article III judges should not "enjoy the fruits of an
economic engine for which they provide none of the fuel." But
Franck, Scott Gerber, and Bravin all suggest in different and
compelling ways that Roberts' comparison between the salaries of
federal judges, Harvard professors, and partners in the nations' top
firms is inapposite. Comparing judicial salaries to the salaries
paid by firms like Roberts' former employer Hogan & Hartson, or to
the $200,000 signing bonuses such firms pay former Supreme Court
clerks/rock stars, is like comparing judicial salaries to those at
Nightline or the NBA. Sure, some of the very highest-paid lawyers in
America can command such salaries. But that is not the only, or even
most relevant, comparison for judicial salaries. Judicial pay is
tied to congressional pay, and the chief justice doesn't explain in
his report why judges' pay should be higher.
The chief may actually be right on the merits, but his tone couldn't
be more off-putting. It's not just the comparisons to Harvard Law
School and fancy firms that tend to make even his fondest critics
see red. Nobody wants to hear about the smattering of judges who
flee the federal bench because their six-figure salaries are too
low. And let's be honest about the perks here. As Bravin puts it,
it's hard to weep when your hear that "judges, who suffer from
lifetime tenure, unsurpassed benefits, and the closest approximation
to the status of nobility bestowed by the American republic, are
being ground into poverty by the taxpayers' parsimony."
But Roberts' worst misstep comes with the words constitutional
crisis—words known to have a distinct legal meaning. The suggestion
that judges today are of a lower quality or are more out of touch
than their colleagues from prior decades is bad form. The suggestion
that they lack judicial independence as a result of their low pay is
an overstatement. But the words constitutional crisis are so
imprecise as to be shocking. Perhaps the chief believes he can fling
the term around casually, since he's sort of in charge of the
Constitution. But the backlash in pundit-land suggests he's done
himself no favors.
This total lack of savvy from a man who is usually pitch perfect in
his dealings with both the Congress and the American public is
surprising. Clearly he's upset and frustrated about the state of
judicial pay, and he is attempting to advocate for his colleagues in
the strongest, most dramatic terms. But he, more than most, should
know that the words constitutional crisis start to lose their
meaning when they are deployed in the interest of judicial pay
hikes. And that the words independent judiciary—which have been
stretched of late to include everything from judicial immunity from
popular criticism to freedom from physical attacks—similarly begin
to ring hollow when they are used to simply mean "underpaid
jurists."
Dahlia Lithwick is a Slate senior editor.
Photograph of John Roberts by Joe Raedle/Getty Images.
Chief Justice Says Inadequate Pay
Threatens Judiciary's Independence
Pete Yost
The Associated Press
January 3, 2007
Pay for federal judges is
so inadequate that it threatens to undermine the judiciary's
independence, Chief Justice John Roberts says in a year-end report
critical of Congress.
Issuing an eight-page
message devoted exclusively to salaries, Roberts says the 678
full-time U.S. District Court judges, the backbone of the federal
judiciary, are paid about half that of deans and senior law
professors at top schools.
In the 1950s, 65 percent of
U.S. District Court judges came from the practicing bar and 35
percent came from the public sector. Today the situation is
reversed, Roberts said, with 60 percent from the public sector and
less than 40 percent from private practice.
Federal district court
judges are paid $165,200 annually; appeals court judges make
$175,100; associate justices of the Supreme Court earn $203,000; the
chief justice gets $212,100.
Thirty-eight judges have
left the federal bench in the past six years and 17 in the past two
years.
The issue of pay, says
Roberts, "has now reached the level of a constitutional crisis."
"Inadequate compensation
directly threatens the viability of life tenure, and if tenure in
office is made uncertain, the strength and independence judges need
to uphold the rule of law -- even when it is unpopular to do so --
will be seriously eroded," Roberts wrote.
Legislation languished in
Congress in 2006 that would have provided a 16 percent increase in
federal judges' salaries. The bill was introduced by Democratic Sens.
Dianne Feinstein of California, Patrick Leahy of Vermont and John
Kerry of Massachusetts.
Over the past 16 years,
Congress has provided the judiciary occasional cost-of-living
adjustments, but Roberts said the absence of salary increases is
"grievously unfair."
It is the first time in the
two-decade history of year-end reports by Roberts and his
predecessor, the late William Rehnquist, that the chief justice's
message has focused entirely on a single subject.
Roberts said the judiciary
will not properly serve its constitutional role if it is restricted
to people so wealthy that they can afford to be indifferent to the
level of judicial compensation, or to people for whom the judicial
salary represents a pay increase.
There are "very good
judges" in both of those categories, said Roberts, but a judiciary
drawn more and more from only those categories "would not be the
sort of judiciary on which we have historically depended to protect
the rule of law in this country."
"It changes the nature of
the federal judiciary when judges are no longer drawn primarily from
among the best lawyers in the practicing bar," Roberts wrote.
The number of cases filed
in the Supreme Court increased for the Court's 2005 term, according
to an appendix to the report. Supreme Court case filings rose by
more than 1,000 to 8,521 from the previous term. Appeals court
filings dropped by 3 percent to 66,618 in 2006 compared with 2005.
In federal district courts,
the number of criminal cases filed in 2006 declined by 4 percent to
66,860 cases and 88,216 defendants, due to changing priorities
directing more resources to combating terrorism.
The civil caseload rose 2
percent to 259,541.
Excluding a jump in
asbestos-related cases, which totaled 18,179, the civil caseload
fell by 4 percent.
Roberts'
Annual Report Focuses
on Threats to Judicial Independence
By Tony Mauro
New York Lawyer
Legal Times
January 6, 2006
The year 2005 was a stormy
one for the judiciary, not only because of the death of Chief
Justice William Rehnquist, but because of clashes with Congress over
the Terri Schiavo case, the politicking over judicial nominees, and
issues such as Supreme Court citation of foreign laws and
precedents.
Yet when Chief Justice John
Roberts Jr. issued his first annual report on the state of the
judiciary last week, he sidestepped those controversial questions
and focused instead on what he saw as more bread-and-butter threats
to judicial independence: low judicial salaries and high rental
costs for courthouses. In doing so, he followed the precedent of
predecessors Warren Burger and Rehnquist, who largely avoided
controversial topics other than judicial salaries in their 30 years
of annual reports.
Higher pay for judges and
rent relief for courthouses, Roberts said, would have a "vanishingly
small" impact on the overall federal budget but "would go a long way
toward maintaining a strong and independent federal judiciary with
the resources to administer justice efficiently and fairly. And that
is priceless." Roberts also called for increased security for judges
in the wake of violence aimed at federal and state judges last year.
Roberts issued the report
three months into his tenure as chief justice, which he described as
"a bit presumptuous," but said he did not want to break with the
tradition of his predecessors.
Rep. Adam Schiff (D-Calif.),
co-chair of the Congressional Caucus on the Judicial Branch,
supports Roberts’ appeals, but expressed the hope that Roberts and
the rest of the judiciary will do more to build public support for a
more broadly defined brand of judicial independence.
"He could set a completely
new tone and make an outreach to Congress and to the public to help
the people understand that the judge’s role is not to be popular,"
said Schiff. "He did not focus on that aspect of judicial
independence." Schiff’s caucus comprises two dozen members of
Congress interested in improving relations between the legislative
and judicial branches. The caucus has not yet met with Roberts,
Schiff said.
The salary issue raised by
Roberts is a recurring theme for chief justices; in 2002, as Roberts
noted, the late Chief Justice William Rehnquist said he was ‘beating
a dead horse’ by raising it. But the situation has only gotten
worse, Roberts said, with the real pay of federal judges declining
almost 24 percent since 1969. With a raise that began on Jan. 1, the
annual salary of the chief justice went to $212,100. Associate
justices are paid $203,000, while appeals judges get $175,100, and
district court judges receive $165,200.
"There will always be a
substantial difference in pay between successful government and
private sector lawyers," Roberts acknowledged in his written report.
"But if that difference remains too large -- as it is today -- the
judiciary will over time cease to be made up of a diverse group of
the nation’s very best lawyers." Roberts noted that increasing
numbers of judges are leaving the bench -- nine in the last year.
"Every time a judge leaves the bench for a higher paying job, the
independence fostered by life tenure is weakened," Roberts said.
The rent complaint is a
newer but growing problem. During the 2005 fiscal year, the
judiciary paid $926 million to the General Services Administration
in rent, Roberts said, even though the GSA’s actual cost of
providing the space was $426 million. "The federal judiciary cannot
continue to serve as a profit center for GSA," Roberts said. In part
because of rising rents, about 1,500 jobs in the judicial branch
were eliminated in the last two years.
In testimony before
Congress last June, GSA official F. Joseph Moravec defended GSA
rental policies as "an honest accounting of the cost of occupancy"
for high quality courtroom space. The judiciary is the GSA’s largest
customer, he said, occupying 2,159 courtrooms and 39 million square
feet, a threefold increase in the last 30 years. "It is high
quality, functional space with befitting public areas, modern
technological functionality and enhanced security features," said
Moravec, commissioner of public building services.
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